Voiced bilabial implosive
A voiced bilabial implosive is a type of consonantal sound, used in some spoken languages. The symbol in the International Phonetic Alphabet that represents this sound is ⟨ɓ⟩, and the equivalent X-SAMPA symbol is b_<.
| Voiced bilabial implosive | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| ɓ | |||
| IPA Number | 160 | ||
| Audio sample | |||
|
source · help | |||
| Encoding | |||
| Entity (decimal) | ɓ | ||
| Unicode (hex) | U+0253 | ||
| X-SAMPA | b_< | ||
| Braille |   | ||
| |||
Features
Features of the voiced bilabial implosive:
- Its manner of articulation is occlusive, which means it is produced by obstructing airflow in the vocal tract. Since the consonant is also oral, with no nasal outlet, the airflow is blocked entirely, and the consonant is a plosive.
- Its place of articulation is bilabial, which means it is articulated with both lips.
- Its phonation is voiced, which means the vocal cords vibrate during the articulation.
- It is an oral consonant, which means air is allowed to escape through the mouth only.
- Because the sound is not produced with airflow over the tongue, the central–lateral dichotomy does not apply.
- The airstream mechanism is implosive (glottalic ingressive), which means it is produced by pulling air in by pumping the glottis downward. Since it is voiced, the glottis is not completely closed, but allows a pulmonic airstream to escape through it.
Occurrence
| Language | Word | IPA | Meaning | Notes | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Balanta-Ganja | ɓaara? | [ɓaːra]? | 'heron' | Possible allophone for /b/.[1] | |
| Ega[2] | [ɓá] | 'send away' | |||
| English | Southern American[3] | body | [ɓʌdi] | 'body' | Possible realization of word-initial /b/.[3] See English phonology |
| Fula[4] | fulɓe 𞤆𞤵𞤤𞤩𞤫 | [fulɓe] | 'Fulbe person' (g.) | ||
| Goemai | ḅas | [ɓas] | 'to fetch' | ||
| Hausa | ɓaɓewa | [ɓaɓɛua] | 'quarreling' | ||
| Jamaican Patois[5] | beat | [ɓiːt] | 'beat' | Allophone of /b/ in the onset of prominent syllables. | |
| Kalabari[6] | ḅá | [ɓá] | 'kill' | ||
| Khmer | បារាំង / barăng | [ɓaːraŋ] | noun: 'France' adjective: 'French' | See Khmer phonology | |
| Konso[7] | bad | [ɓaɗ] | ‘to hide’ | ||
| Latundê[8] | [ˌɓa:ˈnãn] | '(they) are two' | One of the possible realisations of /p/.[8] | ||
| Mayan | Yucatec | balam | [ɓalam] | 'jaguar' | |
| Mam | qanbʼax | [qamɓaʂ] | 'foot' | ||
| Mono[9] | ‘balœ | [ɓálə́] | 'at' | ||
| Punjabi | Dialectal | ਬੱਕਰੀ | [ˈɓək.krɪ] | 'goat' | |
| Paumarí[10] | 'bo'da | [ɓoɗa] | 'old' | ||
| Saraiki[11] | ٻال | [ɓɑː.l] | 'child' | ||
| Sindhi | ٻر | [ɓaˑrʊ] | |||
| Serer[12] | ɓood / ࢠࣷودْ | [ɓoːd] | 'to crawl' | Contrasts /ɓ̥, ɗ̥, ʄ̊, ɓ, ɗ, ʄ/. | |
| Southern Nambikwara[13] | [ɓa̰h] | 'ask excuse' | One of the possible realisations of /p/.[13] | ||
| Shona | baba | [ɓàːɓá] | 'father' | ||
| Tera[14] | ɓala | [ɓala] | 'to talk' | Contrasts phonemically with palatalized implosive, /ɓʲ/ | |
| Tukang Besi | [aɓa] | 'previous' | |||
| Vietnamese[15] | bạn | [ɓan̪˧ˀ˨ʔ] | 'you' | See Vietnamese phonology | |
| Zulu | ubaba | [úˈɓàːɓá] | 'my father' | ||
Notes
- "Balanta-Ganja (Fgañja / فْگَݧْجَ)". Omniglot.
- Connell, Ahoua & Gibbon (2002:100)
- Wells (1982:489)
- Keer (1999:82)
- Devonish & Harry (2004:456)
- Harry (2003:113)
- Orkaydo, Ongaye Oda (2013). A Grammar of Konso. p. 11.
- Telles (2013:298)
- Olson (2004:233)
- Everett (2003:23)
- Bashir, Elena; J. Conners, Thomas (2019). "3.3.1.3". A Descriptive Grammar of Hindko, Panjabi, and Saraiki. Vol. 4 of Mouton-CASL Grammar Series. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. p. 28. ISBN 9781614512257.
Saraiki has four voiced implosive stops: bilabial /ɓ/, alveolar /ɗ/, palatal /ʄ/, and velar /ɠ/.
- Mc Laughlin (2005:203)
- Netto (2018:105, 106)
- Tench (2007:228)
- Thompson (1959:458–461)
References
- Connell, Bruce; Ahoua, Firmin; Gibbon, Dafydd (2002), "Ega", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 32 (1): 99–104, doi:10.1017/S002510030200018X
- Devonish, H.; Harry, Otelamate G. (2004), "Jamaican phonology", in Kortman, B; Shneider E. W. (eds.), A Handbook of Varieties of English, phonology, vol. 1, Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter, pp. 441–471
- Everett, Daniel L. (2003), "Iambic Feet in Paumari and the Theory of Foot Structure", Linguistic Discovery, 2 (1), doi:10.1349/ps1.1537-0852.a.263, ISSN 1537-0852
- Harry, Otelamate G. (2003), "Kalaḅarị-Ịjo", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 33 (1): 113–120, doi:10.1017/S002510030300121X
- Keer, Edward (1999), Geminates, The OCP and The Nature of CON, Rutgers University
- Mc Laughlin, Fiona (2005), "Voiceless implosives in Seereer-Siin", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 35 (2): 201–214, doi:10.1017/S0025100305002215, S2CID 145717014
- Olson, Kenneth S. (2004), "Mono" (PDF), Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 34 (2): 233–238, doi:10.1017/S0025100304001744
- Tench, Paul (2007), "Tera", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 37 (1): 228–234, doi:10.1017/s0025100307002952
- Thompson, Laurence (1959), "Saigon phonemics", Language, 35 (3): 454–476, doi:10.2307/411232, JSTOR 411232
- Wells, John C. (1982), Accents of English, vol. 3: Beyond the British Isles, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-24225-8
- Netto, Luiz (2018), Fonologia do grupo Nambikwára do Campo (Master's dissertation) (in Brazilian Portuguese), Recife: Federal University of Pernambuco, pp. 105, 106
- Telles, Stella (2013), "Traços laringais em Latundê (Nambikwára do Norte)", Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas (in Brazilian Portuguese), Belém, 8 (2): 291–306, doi:10.1590/S1981-81222013000200005
External links
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